Monday, December 15, 2014

Monday, June 18, 2012

Nota mengharukan

Nota mengharukan dari Kamunting
  • Aidila Razak
  • 11:31AM Jun 18 2012
EKSKLUSIF “Nota penyeksaan” yang didakwa diseludup keluar dari kem tahanan ISA di Kamunting, menimbulkan persoalan berhubung kaedah soal siasat yang digunakan pihak berkuasa.

Nota berkenaan, didakwa diseludup keluar oleh kakitangan kem dan diserahkan kepada Malaysiakini, menyatakan dengan terperinci penyeksaan ala Guantanamo yang didakwa dialami oleh 45 orang tahanan yang masih dikurung di pusat tahanan di Taiping, Perak.

Tiada tarikh dinyatakan dalam nota berkenaan, namun insiden berkenaan didakwa berlaku ketika proses soal siasat ketika individu berkenaan ditahan di satu pusat tahanan reman, sebelum dipindahkan ke Kamunting.

Kandungan nota berkenaan tidak dapat disahkan secara bebas, namun dakwaan itu termasuk:
  • Dipaksa menanggalkan pakaian sehingga hanya memakai pakaian dalam, dan "digantung terbalik"  daripada satu "mesin" yang bergerak mengelilingi satu "bilik penyeksaan khas yang disyaki terletak di Bukit Aman".
  • "Tiba-tiba mesin pun berhenti. Lantas, bertubi-tubi seluruh tubuhnya dipukul dengan objek tumpul (mungkin cota)".
  • "Apabila pukulan dihentikan, mesin itu pun kembali bergerak. Tidak berapa lama mesin itu dihentikan semula dan dia kembali dipukul teruk".
  • Minyak panas dilumurkan ke kemaluan.
  • Mencabut bulu di badan, termasuk bulu kemaluan.
  • Melumur "cili boh" ke badan, terutama ke kemaluan, dan "dipaksa membiarkan cili itu mengering pada badannya" untuk tempoh dua hingga tiga hari.
  • Mencucuh kemaluan dengan api rokok.
  • Dipaksa berbogel dan melakukan ketuk ketampi selama beberapa jam untuk tempoh sehingga 60 hari.
Difahamkan, pasukan Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia (Suhakam) ketika melawat kem berkenaan untuk memeriksa tahanan berkenaan, yang menjalankan mogok lapar, turut menerima set nota yang sama.

Pesuruhjaya Muhammad Sha'ani Abdullah berkata Suhakam kini sedang "membincangkan" kandungannya.

Friday, June 1, 2012

Brother's blood all over me

'I put my brother's blood all over me and acted like I was dead': In gut-wrenching, heartbreaking detail, Syrian boy, 11, relives slaughter of his parents and all four siblings

  • Ali el-Sayed played dead to avoid being executed by gunman who slaughtered his family
  • Tragic 11-year-old one of few survivors from horrific executions in Houla
By Chris Parsons

An 11-year-old Syrian boy has described in heart-wrenching detail how he had to cover his clothes in his brother's blood to save his own life as killers slaughtered his entire family.
Ali el-Sayed witnessed his parents and all four of his siblings killed by Syrian gunmen during last weekend's horrific massacres, which he only survived himself by playing dead.
The youngest to die was Ali's brother, 6-year-old Nader. His small body bore two bullet holes - one in his head, another in his back.
Tragic: Ali el-Sayed, pictured here in an interview on Wednesday, had to play dead to avoid being executed by Syrian gunmen who killed his family
Tragic: Ali el-Sayed, pictured here in an interview on Wednesday, had to play dead to avoid being executed by Syrian gunmen who killed his family

The 11-year-old boy told how he covered himself in his brother's blood to fool the gunmen and make them think he was also dead
The 11-year-old boy told how he covered himself in his brother's blood to fool the gunmen and make them think he was also dead
Ali miraculously survived by covering himself in his brother's blood and lying motionless on the floor as shaven-headed killers, said to be working for the Syrian government, executed his parents and four siblings one by one.
Ali is one of the few survivors of a weekend massacre in Houla, a collection of poor farming villages and olive groves in Syria's central Homs province.
More than 100 people were killed, many of them women and children who were shot or stabbed in their houses.
In an interview with the Associated Press on Wednesday, five days after becoming an orphan and an only child, Ali said: 'I put my brother's blood all over me and acted like I was dead.'
Ali said his mother began weeping the moment about 11 gunmen entered the family home in the middle of the night. The men led Ali's father and oldest brother outside.
'My mother started screaming 'Why did you take them? Why did you take them?'' Ali said.
Soon afterward, he said, the gunmen killed Ali's entire family.
Brutal: UN observers found the 13 bodies lying on the ground near Deir el-Zour, in Syria
Brutal: In further bloodshed, UN observers found the 13 bodies of Syrian army defectors lying on the ground near Deir el-Zour, in Syria after being killed by Assad's forces
The killings brought immediate, worldwide condemnation of President Bashar Assad, who has unleashed a violent crackdown on an uprising that began in March 2011.
Activists say as many as 13,000 people have been killed since the revolt began.
Ali's ordeal emerged today as the bodies of 13 more people were discovered bound and shot in eastern Syria.
Syrian activists claimed that the victims were army defectors killed by President Bashar Assad's forces, although it has not been possible to verify their accounts.
In response, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said today that every day of slaughter in Syria is strengthening the case for tougher international action.
U.N. investigators and witnesses blame at least some of the Houla killings on shadowy gunmen known as shabiha who operate on behalf of Assad's government.
Execution: The men are believed to be defectors from the Syrian army who were caught and killed
Execution: The men are believed to be defectors from the Syrian army who were caught and killed
As Ali huddled with his youngest siblings, a man in civilian clothes took Ali's mother to the bedroom and shot her five times in the head and neck.
'Then he left the bedroom. He used his flashlight to see in front of him,' Ali said. 'When he saw my sister Rasha, he shot her in the head while she was in the hallway.'
Ali had been hiding near his brothers Nader, 6, and Aden, 8. The gunmen shot both of them, killing them instantly. He then fired at Ali but missed.
'I was terrified,' Ali said, speaking from Houla, where relatives have taken him in. 'My whole body was trembling.'
Recruited from the ranks of Assad's Alawite religious community, the militiamen enable the government to distance itself from direct responsibility for the execution-style killings, torture and revenge attacks that have become hallmarks of the shabiha.
Terrible aftermath: A heartbreaking image of children said to have been killed in Houla by Assad's thugs at the weekend in a still from a video taken by an activist and posted online
Terrible aftermath: A heartbreaking image of children said to have been killed in Houla by Assad's thugs at the weekend in a still from a video taken by an activist and posted online

Horror: The UN counted 49 children and 34 women among the dead. Activists from the Houla area said the army pounded the villages with artillery and clashed with local rebels after protests Friday
Horror: The UN counted 49 children and 34 women among the dead. Activists from the Houla area said the army pounded the villages with artillery and clashed with local rebels after protests Friday
In many ways, the shabiha are more terrifying than the army and security forces, whose tactics include shelling residential neighborhoods and firing on protesters. The swaggering gunmen are deployed specifically to brutalize and intimidate Assad's opponents.
Activists who helped collect the dead in the aftermath of the Houla massacre described dismembered bodies in the streets, and row upon row of corpses shrouded in blankets.
'When we arrived on the scene we started seeing the scale of the massacre,' said Ahmad al-Qassem, a 35-year-old activist.
'I saw a kid with his brains spilling out, another child who was no more than 1 year old who was stabbed in the head. The smell of death was overpowering.'
The regime denies any responsibility for the Houla killings, blaming them on terrorists. And even if the shabiha are responsible for the killings, there is no clear evidence that the regime directly ordered the massacre in a country spiraling toward civil war.
This citizen journalism image provided by Shaam News Network taken Saturday, May 26, 2012 purports to show shrouded dead bodies following a Syrian government assault on Houla, Syria
This citizen journalism image provided by Shaam News Network taken Saturday, May 26, 2012 purports to show shrouded dead bodies following a Syrian government assault on Houla, Syria

Dead child in Syria
Dead child in Syria
Anger: Britain and France have condemned the attack on children and pointed the fingers at Syrian troops
As witness accounts begin to leak out, it remains to be seen what, exactly, prompted the massacre. Although the Syrian uprising has been among the deadliest of the Arab Spring, the killings in Houla stand out for their sheer brutality and ruthlessness.
According to the U.N., which is investigating the attack, most of the victims were shot at close range, as were Ali's parents and siblings. The attackers appeared to be targeting the most vulnerable people, such as children and the elderly, to terrorize the population.
This type of massacre - even more than the shelling and mortar attacks that have become daily occurrences in the uprising - is a sign of a new level of violence. By most accounts, the gunmen descended on Houla from an arc of nearby villages, making the deaths all the more horrifying because the victims could have known their attackers.
UN probe: A handout picture of the bodies piled up in Syria, as released by the opposition's Shaam News Network
UN probe: Bodies pictured piled up in Syria, as released by the opposition's Shaam News Network
According to activists in the area, the massacre came after the army pounded the villages with artillery and clashed with local rebels following anti-regime protests. Several demonstrators were killed, and the rebels were forced to withdraw. The pro-regime gunmen later stormed in, doing the bulk of the killing.
Syrian activist Maysara Hilaoui said he was at home when the massacre in Houla began. He said there were two waves of violence, one starting at 5 p.m. Friday and a second at 4 a.m. Saturday.
'The shabiha took advantage of the withdrawal of rebel fighters,' he said. 'They started entering homes and killing the young as well as the old.'

Saturday, May 26, 2012

Nasihat siswa

Nasihat siswa buat penganalis politik
  • Masturah Abu Bakar
  • 2:44PM Mei 26 2012
ULASAN Terlibat dengan gerakan mahasiswa menjadikan saya membina pandangan alam yang lebih luas.

Gerakan mahasiswa bukan saja terdedah kepada politik nasional secara langsung, bahkan entiti ini harus mendepani cabaran-cabaran untuk terus membina gelombang rakyat.

Bukan sekadar membaca tulisan-tulisan 'pemerhati dan penganalisa politik', gerakan mahasiswa sebaliknya hadir terlibat secara langsung.

Pandangan 'luar ke dalam' sebenarnya sangat diperlukan memandangkan gerakan ini bukanlah gerakan yang sempurna.

Kritikan sama ada ia membina atau menjatuhkan menjadi elemen semak imbang gerakan. Namun amat memalukan jika pemerhati dan penganalisa politik mempunyai maklumat yang dangkal dan menulis atas persepsi sahaja.

Menulis biarlah didasari tradisi keilmuan, kajian dilakukan dengan turun padang, memerhati secara langsung. Ia lebih tepat dan berkualiti.

Menjadi kewajipan mereka yang menganalisa entiti ini dengan mengaitkannya dengan sejarah. Gerakan mahasiswa dengan latar belakang historikal yang mencengkam sejarah negara dengan sendirinya membina cabaran yang harus didepani gerakan mahasiswa masa kini.

Hakikatnya, ramai orang ternanti-nanti aksi yang lebih hebat daripada demonstrasi Baling, gerakan manifesto mahasiswa 1969 atau paling kurang mencipta satu badan yang independen seperti University Malaya Student Union (UMSU).

Penganalisa politik gerakan mahasiswa kebanyakannya cenderung untuk membanding-bandingkan gerakan mahasiswa hari ini dengan legenda sebelum mereka.

Namun kejayaan Solidariti Mahasiswa Malaysia (SMM) dalam menerajui gelombang rakyat ini sedikit sebanyak menampakkan hasil.

Gerakan siswa sepuluh tahun terakhir
Bermula dengan inisiatif SMM menubuhkan Gerakan Mahasiswa Selamatkan Rakyat (GMSR) dengan kempen Anti Politik Lucah, SMM membuat Jelajah Mahasiswa ke Seremban menaiki komuter (KTM).

Slogan seperti "mahasiwa tolak politik lucah", "tolak budaya fitnah" dan "tolak politik wang" dipamerkan kepada awam.

Bagaimanapun jelajah ini berakhir dengan tangkapan lapan orang mahasiswa di KL Sentral oleh pihak polis.

Di bawah GMSR, kempen Sokong Media Alternatif dibentuk. Kempen ini melibatkan semua media alternatif utama dengan tujuan untuk mengalihkan sumber maklumat masyarakat daripada bergantung kepada media arus perdana semata-mata.

GMSR kemudiannya melancarkan kempen anti- Lynas. GMSR menyatakan bantahan terhadap pembinaan kilang oleh Lynas bersama-sama gerakan seperti STOP LYNAS, BADAR dan NGO lain yang turut membantah.

Aktivis-aktivis gerakan mahasiswa, turun padang bersama-sama rakyat di Gebeng, Kuantan, berbincang dengan pemimpin rakyat di sana, membuat kajian respon rakyat, mengadakan pencerahan, ceramah, edaran risalah dan lain-lain.

SMM memacu lebih k ehadapan dengan menubuhkan Gerakan Menuntut Kebebasan Akademik (BEBAS) susulan daripada beberapa isu sekatan yang dibuat kepada ahli akademik dan mahasiswa termasuklah isu Dr Abdul Aziz Bari, bekas pensyarah di Universiti Islam Antarabangsa Malaysia (UIAM).

Pelancaran BEBAS pada 22 November lalu menyaksikan rentetan aksi yang lebih agresif daripada mahasiswa. Usaha pencerahan seperti perbincangan, memorandum, meja bulat, forum, wacana, ceramah, diskusi, edaran risalah dan debat digiatkan menjelang Himpunan Kebebasan Akademik pada 17 Disember 2011.

Flash Mob BEBAS pada 27 November dengan tujuan pencerahan kepada masyarakat awam berkenaan kebebasan akademik akhirnya menjadi kecoh apabila lebih 17 orang mahasiswa ditangkap di KL Sentral.

Aktiviti kemuncak BEBAS, himpunan menuntut Kebebasan Akademik berjalan dengan aman tanpa sekatan polis. Seramai 300 mahasiswa turun ke jalanan membawa sepanduk dan kain rentang menuntut kebebasan akademik.

Kami berarak daripada Masjid Jamek hingga ke Sogo, berpidato, kemudian kembali berarak menuju ke PWTC. Di sinilah tercetusnya sejarah baru gerakan mahasiswa yang mencetuskan gelombang besar.

Adam Adli, mahasiswa Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI) di dalam himpunan di PWTC bertindak menurunkan bendera memaparka wajah Datuk Seri Najib Razak dengan tujuan menaikkan bendera BEBAS.

Tindakan ini kemudiannya mendapat reaksi pelbagai pihak, tersebar di media arus perdana yang kemudiannya dibaca oleh masyarakat di seluruh negara. Tindakan ini dikecam hebat oleh ahli Umno dalam kenyataan mereka, video rakaman yang disebar di Youtube, laman-laman sosial Facebook dan Twitter.

Tidak kurang hebatnya, tindakan Adam Adli mendapat sokongan parti politik Pakatan Rakyat, mahasiswa-mahasiswa, pensyarah dan NGO yang menunjukkan solidariti dan sokongan.

Peristiwa ini mencetuskan gelombang baru apabila nama SMM mula dikenali oleh masyarakat di pelbagai peringkat. Bermula dengan peristiwa 'turun bendera' ini, SMM berpeluang menjelajah seluruh negara memberi pencerahan kepada masyarakat.

SMM yang diterajui nama-nama figura anak muda seperti Ahmad Syukri Abd Razab (pengerusi SMM), Safwan Anang (pengerusi BEBAS), Syahid Zaini(YDP MPMUM), Adam Adli (Pengerusi Legasi Mahasiswa Progresif) dan aktivis-aktivis lain turun ke Kedah, Pulau Pinang, Kelantan, Terengganu, Pahang, Sabah dan seluruh Lembah Klang.

Kesan daripada tindakan menurunkan bendera, Adam Adli dijatuhkan hukuman tatatertib, digantung tiga semester.

Rentetan daripada ini, SMM membuat keputusan untuk membuat himpunan di hadapan UPSI menuntut supaya universiti itu menarik semula hukuman.

Tanggal 31 Disember, malam tahun baru, menyaksikan tragedi berdarah UPSI. Safwan Anang, pengerusi BEBAS cedera dibelasah oleh polis dengan ditendang di perut dan ditumbuk di mulut.

Ammar Ismail, aktivis mahasiswa daripada Universiti Malaya turut tercedera di kepala akibat terkena cermin pintu ketika pergelutan di Klinik swasta berdekatan UPSI.

Seramai 21 aktivis mahasiswa ditangkap termasuklah majoriti besar tokoh SMM dalam Ops-Solidariti yang dilakukan oleh pihak Polis.

Peristiwa ini memberi kesan besar kepada gerakan mahasiswa. Kebangkitan rakyat yang menyokong gerakan anak muda mula bersinar.

Usaha yang mengambil proses yang lama sedikit sebanyak memberi kesan dalam proses sosialisasi politik rakyat. Usaha ini silih berganti, memenuhi hari dan minggu tanpa henti.

Selepas kontroversi tragedi berdarah UPSI, isu PTPTN mengambil tempat. Setelah lebih dua bulan menyelesaikan isu-isu sekitar Tragedi Berdarah UPSI dengan tumpuan kepada memberi pencerahan berkenaan isu ini, SMM kembali mengatur perancangan baru.

Konsekuensi kepada BEBAS adalah gerakan Malaysia Bangkit yang merupakan gerakan gabungan anak muda yang membawa 9 tuntutan ke arah Malaysia yang lebih sejahtera.

Umumnya, gerakan ini merupakan gerakan yang lebih bersifat perjuangan kolektif dengan membawa isu-isu seperti hentikan rasuah, pilihanraya bersih, mansuhkan ISA dan AUKU, media yang bebas dan lain-lain termasuklah tuntut penghapusan PTPTN.

Isu PTPTN yang menjadi isu yang lebih dekat dengan kebanyakan rakyat ketika itu diangkat menjadi prime-issue Malaysia Bangkit. Isu ini juga hangat diperdebatkan di pentas politik, ahli akademik dan masyarakat awam.

Selepas pelbagai perbincangan dan rundingan meja bulat, SMM akhirnya membuat keputusan untuk mengadakan himpunan menuntut mansuh PTPTN.

Pada 14 April 2012, lebih kurang 1000 peserta himpunan hadir yang terdiri daripada pelbagai latarbelakang berhimpun di Masjid Jamek, berarak ke Sogo dan berakhir di Dataran Merdeka.

Bermula 14 April, SMM kemudiannya meneruskan bantahan dengan perkhemahan 14 hari di Dataran Merdeka yang mendapat perhatian ramai pihak.

Sumbangan yang bertalu-talu di tapak perkhemahan oleh orang ramai, ceramah, diskusi dan wacana memeriahkan perkhemahan hingga peristiwa kemuncak 28 April, Bersih 3.0.

Penubuhan gerakan-gerakan yang bervariasi oleh SMM tidak harus dilabel sebagai tidak konsisten, namun ia konsekuensi dalam usaha memperjuangkan suara rakyat secara kolektif.

Mencatat peristiwa-peristiwa secara teks ini sesuatu yang mudah. Tetapi membacanya dengan konteks adalah sesuatu yang tidak mudah.

Saya tinggalkan catatan ini sebagai teks sejarah dan ulasan sebagai bacaan konteks sejarah. Moga-moga ia menjadi sumber maklumat para pemerhati dan penganalisa politik gerakan mahasiswa di luar sana dan juga sebagai rujukan generasi akan datang.

Kebijakan aksi jadi tumpuan

Berdiri di pentas nasional sama seperti menjadi aktor politik. Bukan semata-mata dalam lingkungan ahli politik dan politik kepartian, jauh daripada itu SMM hakikatnya menerajui gerakan masyarakat sivil dalam ruang awam.

Dalam hal ini, tentulah segala aksi, kenyataan respon atau apa saja keputusan yang dibuat oleh SMM menjadi tumpuan masyarakat.

Hal ini merupakan cabaran buat entiti ini untuk mempamerkan segala kebijakan politik yang bebas, substansial, intelek dan tepat.

Kesalahan-kesalahan dalam ijtihad dan aksi menjadi tumpuan khususnya buat golongan yang antigerakan mahasiswa vokal sebegini.

Dalam menerajui gerakan, tindakan-tindakan seperti turun bendera, kalungan bunga dan adab dalam demonstrasi menjadi perhatian perdana.

Secara tidak sedar, isu sebegini mengalih tumpuan masyarakat kepada tuntutan yang lebih utama. Kepimpinan dan aktivis gerakan mahasiswa perlu lebih berhati-hati menangani isu sebegini.

Ibarat menarik rambut di dalam tepung, isu-isu sebegini perlukan kebijakan strategi politik. Saya tidak nafikan kadangkala isu-isu kecil seperti adab dalam himpunan dianggap remeh oleh kepimpinan gerakan mahasiswa.

Berhati-hati dalam ini juga harus diteliti supaya ia tidak menjadi lubuk serangan musuh. Slogan-slogan yang tidak munasabah, yang tidak menggambarkan matlamat himpunan dan yang bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai moral harus dibuang.

(Saya sangat tidak suka slogan "Hancur Rosmah" digunakan kerana ia tidak ada kena mengena pun dengan matlamat himpunan.)

Kepelbagaian dalam gerakan

Peningkatan sokongan dan penyertaan terhadap SMM membuka suatu ruang baru kepada penyertaan aktivis-aktivis di dalam SMM.

Kalau dahulu SMM hanya didominasi oleh aktivis mahasiswa dari Universiti Malaya, atau mereka yang berlatarbelakangkan islamic student movement (GMI), kini SMM makin berkembang.

Perkembangan ini dengan sendiri mencipta cabaran yang besar seperti juga perkembangan yang dialami oleh Islam dahulu. Ideologi dan latar belakang yang pelbagai mungkin merupakan suatu peluang besar buat SMM dalam mewacanakan gerakan.

Namun apa yang harus menjadi tanggungjawab SMM ialah untuk mengekalkan prinsip tradisi gerakan mahasiswa iaitu intelektualisme, idealisme dan aktivisme.

Apa yang saya risaukan partisipasi dalam perjuangan SMM hanya didasari oleh semangat bukan dengan ilmu yang mendalam.

Aktivis-aktivis perlu didedahkan kepada latihan-latihan pembangunan untuk aktivis yang memberi pencerahan berkenaan apa itu perjuangan gerakan mahasiswa agar kita tidak dilihat tergelincir dari matlamat yang sebenar.

Kepada aktivis gerakan mahasiswa, hakikatnya proses memahamkan masyarakat mengambil masa yang panjang. Iklim politik, ekonomi dan sosial yang mencipta cabaran yang lebih besar meletakkan suatu keperluan kepada SMM untuk menjadi gerakan yang lebih dinamik.

Kebijakan aksi, elemen intelektual, keberanian melawan kezaliman, pasakan kefahaman kepada aktivis perlu diberi perhatian.

Kepada para pemerhati dan penganalisa politik SMM, gerakan ini harus dikaji secara menyeluruh. Sisi negatif atau positif dalam kritikan itu hanya hadir sebagai outcome kepada kajian dan observasi yang bijaksana.

MASTURAH ABU BAKAR mahasiswa tahun akhir Jabatan Sains Politik Islam, Universiti Malaya dan bergiat dalam Solidariti Mahasiswa Malaysia (SMM). Artikel ini pandangan peribadi penulis dan tidak semestinya menggambarkan pendirian rasmi Malaysiakini.

Saya jadi tua untuk jadi pandai

Pak Samad: Saya tidak tua untuk jadi bodoh

  • Abdul Rahim Sabri
  • 1:20PM Mei 25 2012
Sasterawan Negara Datuk A Samad Said menegaskan BERSIH turut memerlukan sokongan parti politik, termasuk BN bagi merealisasikan lapan tuntutan untuk mereformasikan sistem pilihan raya.

Katanya, tanpa dokongan parti politik yang dipimpin oleh "kuasawan", gabungan tersebut tidak kuat untuk memperjuangkan agendanya.

NONE"Mereka memperkuat, kalau BERSIH sahaja, tidak akan kuat. Kalau PAS, dokongan itu tidak ada, BERSIH sahaja tidak kuat. Sebenarnya kita juga mengajak BN menyertai (perjuangan BERSIH). Bukan salah kita.

"Kita menjemput semua kuasawan, baik daripada PAS, BN, PKR. Baik daripada Umno, MCA, MIC, tetapi mereka sendiri yang memisahkan diri untuk menyertainya," katanya dalam wawancara Malaysiakini

Tokoh yang lebih kenali sebagai Pak Samad bagaimanapun berkata keengganan BN menyokong hasrat gabungan itu kerana barangkali ia dirasakan akan "menggigit" mereka.

Beliau menjawab soalan berhubung peranan orang politik untuk menuntut lapan tuntutan BERSIH, sekalipun beliau optimis mampu menarik sokongan pelbagai pihak bagi meneruskan tuntutan mereka.

Katanya, BERSIH 2.0 mengambil alih kumpulan itu daripada BERSIH pertama yang dipimpin "kuasawan" bagi mengelakkan tanggapan organisasi itu dipergunakan untuk "berantakan dengan kuasa induk"

Rampas kuasa dengan air botol?

Bagaimanapun, Pak Samad menegaskan tuntutan mereka tetap tidak berubah.

bersih 3 rally 030512 01Menurutnya, perhimpunan BERSIH diteruskan kerana tuntutan gabungan itu itu tidak dilayan sehingga memerlukan perhimpunan kedua dan ketiga diadakan.

Ditanya berhubung dakwaan perhimpunan BERSIH 3.0 dirampas pembangkang dan mahu menggulingkan kerajaan, Pak Samad menyifatkan dakwaan itu hanya "cakap sebelah sana", termasuk ketiga-tiga mantan ketua polis negara dan mantan perdana menteri.

"Kita tidak boleh menghalang andaian orang. Kalau benar (dirampas pembangkang), mereka harus membuktikan...

"Yang merampas kuasa mesti mempunyai senjata. Kita ada botol air sahaja. Saya menolak (dakwaan mahu guling kerajaan)," katanya sambil ketawa sinis.

NONEBekas editor kanan akhbar Berita Harian itu berkata, beliau kini lebih bersedia untuk "dilanggar" berbanding sewaktu bekerja di "akhbar hamba kuasa" sebelum ini.

Pada masa itu, katanya, beliau terpaksa memikirkan banyak perkara, termasuk keluarga dan rumahtangga sebelum melakukan sebarang tindakan.

Pak Samad sedia 'dilanggar'

"Kita telan apa yang pahit, apa yang masin demi keluarga kita. Tapi apabila sudah agak selesa sedikit, kita sedia dilanggar seperti sekarang. Saya memang bersedia untuk dilanggar.

"Tapi biarlah langgar yang berpatutan. Jangan bawakan kapal selam, saya hanya dibiarkan gunakan bom. Kalau anda kapal selam, biarlah saya kapal selam. Adillah. Itu umpamanya," katanya.

Beliau juga menolak dakwaan berfahaman kiri dengan menyifatkannya sebagai tuduhan "orang tidak belajar".

"Orang ini langsung tidak belajar. Saya tidak jadi tua untuk jadi bodoh. Saya jadi tua untuk jadi pandai." tegasnya.

NONEMengulas penyertaan bukan Melayu dalam perhimpunan BERSIH kali ini, Pak Samad berkata beliau "senang" dengan situasi baru itu, khususnya kaum Cina.

"Misalnya jika diadakan BERSIH 4, saya fikir penyertaan orang bukan Melayu lebih ramai kerana mempercayai adanya jentera kuasa ada sekarang ini yang paling bobrok, di mana segala jenis tindakan termasuk samsengan digunakan.

"Di mana janji-janji yang besar dihebahkan, di mana wang yang sebanyaknya diberikan. Semua itu diberi ketika kerajaan berada di ekor kuasa.

"Mereka memberi semua ini, semata-mata bersedia mengharapkan, inilah massa umum yang akan mengundi mereka," katanya.

Saturday, May 19, 2012

Britain nation of 'passive racists'

Agatha Christie and Rudyard Kipling have made Britain nation of 'passive racists', says John Barnes as he blames classic authors for bigotry

  • Former international footballer blames some of country's favourite writers for perpetuating 'negative images of black people'
  • Jamaican-born Barnes said racism exists because of ‘preconceived ideas’ that are planted through books and films that validate colonial prejudices
  • The 48-year-old called for children to be taught the non-existence of race as a concept on the National Curriculum
By Tom Gardner

They have penned some of the nation’s best-loved books and are revered as greats of the literature world.
But authors such as Nobel Laureate Rudyard Kipling and Agatha Christie have been blamed for making Britain a country of ‘passive racists’ by portraying the white British imperialists as superior and native people as savages.
Former England star John Barnes said favourite tales, including Edgar Rice Burroughs's Tarzan of the Apes and Kipling's The Jungle Book, have instilled bigotry into the minds of generations.
Bigotry: England footballer, John Barnes told students at Liverpool University that 'passive racism' was in everyone because of hundreds of years of subtle bigotry in British culture
Bigotry: England footballer, John Barnes told students at Liverpool University that 'passive racism' was in everyone because of hundreds of years of subtle bigotry in British culture
His Christie comment was no doubt a reference to the title of her 1939 best-selling novel Ten Little Niggers - which caused such a furore that it was renamed a year later in the US as Ten Little Indians.
Modern versions of the book have been re-marketed as And Then There Were None.
And In Death On The Nile, her characters express a casual contempt  for 'the natives' from their boat.
The ex-Liverpool winger launched a fierce attack on classic literature in a lecture to students at Liverpool University entitled ‘What is the cause of racism in football?’


Jamaican-born Barnes - who during the 1980s suffered serious racial abuse from the stands - said he wants to eradicate the latent prejudice that he sees makes white people tend to resist having black neighbours.
And he has called for a plan that would make teaching about the non-existence of race as a concept to be made central to the national curriculum.
Abused: John Barnes, pictured kicking away a banana thrown at him from the stands, was subjected to racist abuse throughout his career
Abused: John Barnes, pictured kicking away a banana thrown at him from the stands, was subjected to racist abuse throughout his career
Novelist Agatha Christie has been blamed for turning the nation into 'passive racists'
Rudyard Kipling has been blamed for turning the nation into 'passive racists'
Racism: Authors Agatha Christie, left, and Rudyard Kipling, right, have been accused of perpetuating bigoted views of black people which has contributed to created a nation of racists, according to John Barnes
The 48-year-old told the audience that racism exists because of ‘preconceived ideas’ that are planted through books like The Jungle Book and films that validate colonial prejudices.
He said: ‘Passive racism is inherent in all of us and the way we feel about a group of people is based on what we have been told for 200 years.
‘As a product of that, over the last 200 years we have had negative images of black people, which featured in literature by Rudyard Kipling to Agatha Christie.
‘Tarzan showed that.
‘Racism came from the idea of race, which is a man-made construct. Race is not scientific or genetic. It does not actually exist.
Classic: Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book is a part of cultural heritage which is inherintly racist, according to John Barnes
Tarzan of the Apes
Ten Little Indians
Controversial classics: Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book, left, Edgar Rice Burroughs' Tarzan of the Apes, and Agatha Chrisite's Ten Little Indians are inherently racist, according to John Barnes
‘Race came about to validate and justify colonialism and slavery.’
Barnes moved to live in England at the age of 13 when his father was Jamaica’s military attaché to London in the late 1970s.
He is England’s most-capped black player but during his career at Liverpool FC Barnes regularly came under a torrent of racist abuse from the fans.
‘Passive racism might be seen in someone choosing to live next to a white person and that’s the racism we have to get rid of, added Mr Barnes.
‘If we get rid of passive racism then overcoming overt racism will take care of itself.
‘The majority of racism which goes on is unconscious - people do not even think about it. By letting people understand they are passive racists will help tackle it.’
The Commission for Racial Equality has called for the comic hero's adventure Tintin in the Congo to be banned
The Commission for Racial Equality has called for the comic hero's adventure Tintin in the Congo to be banned
Works by Kipling and Christie are not the only stories to cause a racism storm
One of Tintin’s classic adventures was banished to the adult shelves of bookshops because it was deemed overtly racist.
Fears that Tintin In The Congo, right, could have a negative effect on children led publishers to market it in protective packaging with warning labels similar to those on explicit magazines.
The Adventures Of Tintin was a series of comic books created by Belgian artist Georges Remi, who wrote under the pen name Herge.
Tintin In The Congo was written in 1930 and depicts African natives as ignorant, simple and backward people, who are far less intelligent than their white visitors.
Leading booksellers such as Waterstones have taken the book out of the children’s section, fearing it ‘could get into the wrong hands’.
But critics claim that selling the book like a soft porn magazine is politically correct censorship, especially when children are regularly allowed to see graphic violence and sexually explicit material in the media.
The book, which was not published in English until 2005, shows the black population bowing down to the boy reporter after he smashes a diamond smuggling racket involving Al Capone.
The black people are depicted as stupid with thick lips. They end up worshipping Tintin and his faithful dog Snowy like gods.


Rudyard Kipling, aged 48, in 1913
Rudyard Kipling’s reputation has come under attack over recent years with some critics branding him a ‘racist’ and a propagandist for the elite.
One of Kipling's most controversial poems The White Man's Burden, published in 1899, is often cited as revealing Kipling’s contempt for the colonised people, it begins:
Take up the White Man's burden,
Send forth the best ye breed,
Go, bind your sons to exile,
To serve your captives' need;
To wait, in heavy harness,
On fluttered folk and wild,
Your new-caught sullen peoples,
Half devil and half child.
The poem was originally written for Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee, but exchanged for ‘Recessional’; Kipling changed the text of ‘Burden’ to reflect the subject of American colonization of the Philippines, recently won from Spain in the Spanish-American War.
Some scholars of the Nobel Prize winner, who was born of English parents in Bombay in 1865, at the height of the Raj, have advanced the view that Kipling used the poem to imply that white people have an obligation to subjugate other 'lesser' people.
Other students of the poem have said it alludes to the philanthropic view, common in Kipling's formative years, that the rich have a moral duty and obligation to help ‘the poor’ ‘better’ themselves whether the poor want the help or not.